Obama’s China trip emphasizes a shifting balance of power

BEIJING (AP) — President Barack Obama’s first visit to China underscored a shifting balance of power: two giants moving closer to being equals.

In this week’s choreographed show of U.S.-Chinese good will, Obama’s pledge to treat China as a trusted global partner won a return promise of shared effort on world troubles — but not much else.

Standing stiffly together in the Great Hall of the People after a morning of talks, Obama and President Hu Jintao talked expansively Tuesday of common burdens and joint efforts on global warming, nuclear disarmament, the anemic economy and other big issues. They dealt coolly with differences over human rights and trade, leaving them out of public view or reserved for coded language.

Their first formal summit featured none of the rancor that spoiled many previous summits between the nations. If there was any pressure on Beijing to make immediate concessions, neither leader let on.

But Obama went into the meetings with a weaker hand than most past presidents. The battering that economic recession and wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have given U.S. prestige is felt nowhere more keenly than in a China that is busily growing and accruing global clout.

“The U.S. has a lot to ask from China,” said Xue Chen, a researcher on strategic affairs at the Shanghai Institute for International Studies. “On the other hand, the U.S. has little to offer China.”

Obama’s outreach here continued the type of pragmatic bridge-building he has used in Europe and the Middle East in hopes of earning good will that will produce payoffs down the road.

In China, though, the challenge is of a different magnitude. The Chinese government is America’s biggest foreign creditor, with $800 billion of federal U.S. debt that gives it extraordinary power in the relationship. Its military buildup is rubbing up against America’s influence in Asia. And Beijing feels the global recession, sparked by U.S. financial industry excesses, vindicates its authoritarian leadership.

Gone are the days when a U.S. president could come to China expecting the release of a dissident or a trade concession as an atmospheric sweetener. For Obama, he not only didn’t get that, but not one notable shift by the Chinese toward U.S. positions in key areas such as climate, nuclear challenges in Iran and North Korea, human rights or monetary policy.

For Obama, going back home from a weeklong Asia trip with little more than hopes that he’s laying groundwork for better cooperation could sour fast on Americans. He was elected in part because of his promises to restore the battered U.S. image abroad. But if the cost of that is too much listening and too little getting, the public could well grow impatient.

One sign, albeit small, that people are growing weary with Obama’s pragmatic humility overseas: A minifuror erupted in the U.S. when he bowed to greet the emperor of Japan in Tokyo on Saturday. Conservative commentators are calling it another instance of groveling before a foreign leader.

The effect could stretch beyond foreign affairs. Many Americans still think of the U.S. as an unassailable superpower and don’t want presidents who make them think otherwise. Problems in this area could make it more difficult to forge ahead with already divisive health-care reforms, make bold choices on a new strategy for the drawn-out war in Afghanistan or get re-elected.

For China, Hu and other leaders clearly delighted in the show of face Obama gave them. Far from crowing, however, Hu gave Obama a respectful welcome by soldiers in dress uniforms in the Great Hall of the People and in-depth discussions that ran overtime.