Help wanted in stabilizing Iraq

By JOHN KORNBLUM
WASHINGTON POST
As Congress continues to split hairs over the when and how of American troop withdrawals, someone needs to point out the real dilemma that will face any American president for years to come, regardless of party.
The United States could not ignore Iraq before 2003, and it can't do so now. A military withdrawal, ignominious or not, is simply not in the cards. Iraq is not Vietnam, which could be allowed to stew for 15 years without really bothering anyone.
But neither can the United States carry on with the current strategy. By largely going it alone in Iraq, we rapidly transformed ourselves from liberator to occupying power. All burdens have fallen on the Americans, but our credibility is too tarnished to handle them. Neither world public opinion nor American political dynamics will allow us to stay there long enough to stabilize Iraqi society, even if we could. No one country has either the resources or the credibility to do the job alone. We need direct and long-term engagement by other major countries, including a credible multilateral military force, and we need it fast.
Recognizing truths
To organize such help the administration would need to accept three painful truths: (1) that neither George W. Bush nor his successor will be able to finish the job in Iraq; (2) that the current "coalition" is not close to being the serious international presence needed to stabilize Iraq in the coming years; and, perhaps most difficult, (3) that even for the United States some sort of international legitimacy is essential to maintain viability, both domestic and international, for the long term.
Experience in the Balkans and elsewhere shows that this sort of political-military engagement takes years to complete. Ten years later, we are still in Bosnia and are far from dealing with the tensions in Kosovo. But one former Yugoslav republic has already entered NATO and the European Union, and one more is in the wings. The Balkans have been stabilized, the United States has handed most of the responsibility to the United Nations and the European Union, and the long process of integration is underway.
Would that we could foresee such a future for Iraq and its neighbors. But we can't. We need to look beyond past disputes and find a means to put in place a structure that would make such a long-term commitment possible.
The administration's bipartisan commission on the use of intelligence in Iraq could be helpful in this regard. If its members focused on the practical lessons of the Iraq invasion, they could perform an essential service by helping to define the next steps.
One important action would be to build an informal consensus among major countries on the need for a stronger international presence. This job might not be as difficult as it seems. Models of such structures can be found in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan. Each was tailored to fit a specific situation. No one wants to see Iraq dissolve. Experience shows that most countries do not want to usurp the central role of the United States, especially where military responsibility is concerned. With goodwill on all sides, it should be possible to find a consensus.
Successful models
Fortunately, many of the contacts are already working well. NATO is proving to be a good framework for this sort of cooperation, as is the European Union. Both the six-nation Balkan "contact group" and the "Perm Five plus Germany," which is dealing with the Iran issue at the United Nations, are producing results.
A good start to all this would be for the president to contact counterparts in these countries and other regional players and urgently signal his readiness to listen to their ideas on how to establish a structure in Iraq. To succeed, this approach must include a certain sense of mea culpa, but that part could be postponed beyond November if necessary. What we would get in return is their economic and political support. Right now, this help is essential.
Kornblum, chairman of Lazard Freres Germany, is a former U.S. ambassador to Germany.