India, Pakistan enmity won't end with dialogue

There are extremists on both sides of the India-Pakistan border who don't want these avowed enemies to become friends, or even to co-exist peacefully. Extremism, especially of a religious nature, thrives on upheaval. Nationalistic fervor is difficult to ignite in the absence of death and destruction.
That is why Tuesday's announcement of landmark peace talks next month between Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Pakistani President Gen. Pervez Musharraf must be greeted with some trepidation. It is encouraging that the leaders of these two nuclear powers are willing to sit across the table from each other and discuss a whole range of issues, including the status of Kashmir. But given the 50-year history of violence, spurred by religious hatred, it would be unrealistic for anyone to think a new era has dawned.
The recent two assassination attempts on Musharraf by Jaish-e-Mohammed, a Kashmiri militant group, and the May 2002 attack by Islamic militants on a passenger bus and an army base in Jammu-Kashmir that killed 34, mostly soldiers' wives and children, poignantly illustrate the depth of the problem.
At the heart of the conflict is Kashmir, the Himalayan region divided between the two countries at the time of the partition in 1947 of Hindu-dominated India and Muslim-dominated Pakistan. More than 1 million people reportedly died at the time of independence from Britain, and since then the two countries have fought three wars and have engaged in many deadly skirmishes.
Brink of war
Indeed, in 2002, India and Pakistan were at the brink of war and there was worldwide concern that nuclear weapons would be used if the situation got out of hand. The intercession of the United States and other countries persuaded both sides to back down.
Last May, President Bush, hoping to ease tensions and encourage formal negotiations between the arch rivals, dispatched Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage to the region. Armitage reported that he had received assurances from Pakistan that it would not permit militants to operate training camps on its territory. For its part, India withdrew demands that cross-border infiltration stop before a dialogue could begin. It has now agreed to seek a solution to the Kashmir dispute.
Vajpayee and Musharraf must know that the enemies of peace will be hard at work to derail the talks. Thus, they must have the discipline not to react to acts of violence and must be willing to withstand attacks from elements within their own populations.
Given the delicacy of the situation, we believe that an objective third party, such as the United Nations, would be helpful in providing the kind calming influence that will undoubtedly be needed. After all, no one should expect the talks to be conducted without a hitch.
The Bush administration should also let it be known that it stands ready to lend a helping hand. Although the Indians are suspicious of the United States, given President Bush's public embrace of Musharraf as a leading ally in the war on terrorism, the administration can provide valuable assistance in ensuring that Pakistan does not go back on its word to crack down on terrorist activity.
In the end, the success of the peace talks will depend of the level of trust the two leaders have for each other.